There are many Iranians in Germany, especially Hamburg, and they all left Iran for different reasons: Some families, mostly merchants, have been living here for decades. Others fled Iran in the course of the Islamic Revolution. How does this affect their sense of belonging and their identities, especially since they all experienced different political circumstances? Nicholas Kazvini-Gore has conducted several interviews in order to find some answers.
Two Iranians in Hamburg: Soraya was just twelve years old when the Shah visited Hamburg in 1967. She came from a merchant family that moved to Germany in the 1930s. The Iranian merchant community evolved in Hamburg since the 19th century to manage trade between Germany and Iran. Given her family’s social standing, she was chosen to present flowers to the Shah upon his arrival. She was nervous at first because she did not know what to say to the king. She spoke some Persian but had grown up speaking mainly German. In fact, she felt very German. She had many German friends at school, and her family regularly interacted with other locals, mainly business families. However, while Germany was Soraya’s home, it was clear that her family’s connection to Iran was important. Thus, when the Shah came to visit, they gave him a warm welcome.
There was a second wave of Iranians who came to Germany as refugees as a result of the instability during the 1979 Islamic Revolution. In order to avoid conscription into the 1980 Iran-Iraq War, Darius was forced to leave Iran for Germany when he was sixteen years old. His asylum application was rejected many times, and the process took more than two years. After receiving asylum, he was forced to move into a refugee shelter as part of the “bureaucratic procedures”. Living alone in a shelter as a boy was challenging, especially because of the encounter with a different culture. However, he coped by surrounding himself with other Iranians. Although his life in Germany would be forever marked by the trauma of forced migration, he would still find comfort in his Iranian identity.
Both these narratives come from Iranians in Hamburg. Yet, it is clear that they had different reasons for entry and experiences of acculturation, which describes the cultural modification of an individual, group, or people by adapting to or borrowing traits from another culture. Understanding the connection between purpose of immigration and acculturation therefore raises important questions as to what can be done to facilitate the process for different types of immigrants. The Iranians in Hamburg are particularly interesting because it deepens the understanding of two different types of immigrants in one ethnicity and in one setting. This article therefore draws on qualitative research composed of 25 interviews conducted in the summer of 2013 in Hamburg.
The research revealed that Iranians that came before the Islamic Revolution as business people have been successful at maintaining their Iranian identities. They are considered to be part of a “trade diaspora,” which is adept at learning the language and customs of the host-country while also maintaining business and cultural relations with the homeland¹. They tend to take on a “German” identity and feel more welcomed in the host society. On the other hand, the Iranian refugees in the course of the Islamic Revolution experienced more trauma due to their forced migration and exclusion from the host-society; thus, they cling to their Iranian culture for a sense of internal stability.
Historical Context of German Integration Policies
When the Iranians first immigrated into Germany, their assimilation was faced with obstacles that are unique to German society. Germany, relative to other western countries, is restrictive with regards to identity and citizenship.² It has a history of defining German identity based on familial descent, beyond the usual national emblems like language³. The German nation was formed much later than that of its neighbors, and thus needed to facilitate the unification by focusing inwards and closing itself to outsiders. The resulting attitude was the view that outsiders are a threat to the nation4. While Germany has made strides to becoming more welcoming, the fundamental construction of identity based on descent still poses problems for immigrant groups.
Merchant Immigrants: Assimilation/Integration
The Iranian merchants enjoy relatively high status in Hamburg. They bought offices in the historical Speicherstadt (warehouse district) and moved into affluent Hamburg neighborhoods such as Eppendorf. This group developed a fondness for German norms, often over Iranian norms. One Iranian said that although she considers herself a “proud Iranian,” she “fell in love with Germany.” While living in Iran as a teenager, she heard about the youthful culture and freedoms in Germany. She also valued German punctuality, and found the lack of order in Iran “annoying.” Another Iranian said that he felt German because, “my religion is law, unlike the normal Iranian.” Iranian merchants tend to distance themselves from the Iranian refugees in order to reinforce their German identity. For example, when referring to refugees, one merchant said that he “has nothing to do with these Kanacken.” "Kanacke" is a derogatory German term used to describe immigrants.
Despite taking on Germany identity, this cohort of Iranians strongly maintains its identity. Because they left Iran voluntarily, their connection to the homeland was not tainted, and they continue to cherish their homeland culture. For example, one participant said that she had “good memories” of her time in Iran, eliciting a sense of the “golden days”. She talked about how pre-1979 Tehran was a cosmopolitan hub, while Berlin “was almost a village in comparison.” Since the businessmen come in frequent commercial contact with their homeland, they have to understand both general Iranian culture and the intricacies of Iranian business. Because they were not refugees, they can go back to Iran without fear from persecution of the government.
This connection to Iran led to a continued desire to experience the Iranian culture in Hamburg. An interviewee commented that often these Iranians celebrate their connection to their homeland during family gatherings. At these parties, she not only spoke Persian and ate Persian food, but also adopted the Persian code of etiquette known as Taarof, a traditional custom of politeness. Family members would often discuss Iranian politics and the “old times” as if they were still in there. She said, “[these parties] felt like another world.”
Additionally, some of these Iranians come from old merchant families in Iran who had been trading with international clients for generations. This history translates into a source of cultural pride. One participant said that his grandfather was of “old Iranian blood,” rendering him among the Iranian elite. Another said, “the Iranians are known to be very proud,” referencing a quote from Julius Caesar’s diary during his campaigns against the Persian empire. Due to the merchants’ high social capital, the group is able to be flexible in both maintaining their Iranian culture and adopting a German identity.
Refugees: Integration/Marginalization
A fundamental aspect of the refugees’ experience is that their fate was decided by external political circumstances rather than their choice. One participant claimed that, “if it were not for the [Iran-Iraq] war, I wouldn’t be in Germany. Many ended up in Germany not because they wanted to, but rather because it was most convenient. For example, it was easier to falsify German documents, and the Frankfurt Airport was quite accessible from Iran. They often had to leave behind their money and property in Iran, which also made acculturation into host-society more difficult. A refugee said that despite the passing of 30 years, his relocation “is still painful.” He fondly remembered the cultural warmness of Iran, and missed his extended family some of whom died during the war with Iraq. “All of a sudden, I was all alone.”
As this group came to Germany as refugees, it felt the brunt of the exclusivity of German society. One participant described how Iranians are discriminated under a social ranking system of race in the host-society. Another interviewee mentioned that after 9/11, Germans would stare at him suspiciously when he was on a bus. He said, “no matter how long you are in Germany, you are still on the outside.” A refugee who had received his PhD in Germany said that despite his education, he is “served differently” because “he doesn’t look German.” This experience is in sharp contrast to the merchants who did not face such discrimination.
Many refugees feel bitter towards the Iranian government and cannot travel back for safety reasons; however, the psychological strain of their forced migration tightens their grip on the Iranian culture for internal well-being and stability. They maintain their culture through participating in cultural groups, celebrating holidays, and speaking Persian with one another. One student at the University of Hamburg said, “the Persian language offers psychological support [and] gives one a true sense of identity.” He began studying the Persian Empire because it made him proud to learn that it was very progressive, especially with its minorities. “It doesn’t matter how long you are gone [from Iran], your past is always part of you; no one can take that away.”
Conclusion
While this paper provides a general overview of acculturation of two types of immigrants, further research might pose deeper questions immigration, such as how purpose of immigration affects political behavior, religiosity, or socio-economic status. The research becomes increasingly relevant especially given the recent public and political attention to refugees and their integration into German society.
1: Cohen, Robin. (2008). Global Diasporas: An Introduction. New York: Routledge.
2: Joppke, Christian. (1996). Multiculturalism and Immigration: A Comparison of the United States, Germany, and Great Britain. Europe University Institute, 25(449-500).
3: Dirke, Sabine von. (1994). Multikulti: The German Debate on Multiculturalism. German Studies Review, 17(3), 513-536.
4: Koopmans, Ruud, & Statham, Paul. (1999). Challenging the Liberal Nation-State? Posnationalism, Multiculturalism, and the Collective Claims Making of Migrants and Ethnic Minorities in Britain and Germany. American Journal of Sociology, 05(3), 652-696.
